Security, justice and corruption
We compare reviewed statements, proposals and older manifestos, rather than 29N manifesto promises. Support and opposition refer to the exact statement above each table. A gap does not mean neutrality or no position. Regional sources are marked as territorial context.
Method and limitsRepeated petty theft
Someone with repeated convictions for petty theft should receive tougher penalties.
This counts previous convictions, rather than arrests.
| Party | Documented position |
|---|---|
| BNG | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesRego’s amendment 15 rejects simply increasing penalties as the response to repeated petty theft. It proposes community work, training and rehabilitation alternatives while retaining a cumulative €400 threshold; it does not oppose every sanction for repeat offending. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Coalición Canaria | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesFinal repeat-offending text and overall vote, 26 March 2026; individual vote verified in the official JSON. Valido votes for the final repeat-offending law allowing imprisonment for repeated petty theft after final convictions. The official file verifies her individual vote; this neither attributes the entire Mixed Group’s vote to CC nor confuses it with her February abstention on a different version. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EAJ-PNV | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports stronger criminal penalties for repeated theft, alongside court resources and proportionality. Supports the original text while rejecting the Senate amendments; these are distinct decisions. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EH Bildu | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesIñarritu explicitly opposes increasing sentences for repeated petty offences, arguing for social prevention, more judges and exclusion orders instead. He does not advocate impunity for theft. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| ERC | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesVallugera criticises the harsher-sentencing approach to repeated theft and proposes more judges and staff and enforcement of existing law. The assessment rests on her substantive criticism, rather than the party’s abstention on the bill. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Junts | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports stronger criminal penalties for repeated theft, alongside court resources and proportionality. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Podemos | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesRejects higher penalties for petty theft and calls for other responses to crime. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PP | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports stronger criminal penalties for repeated theft, alongside court resources and proportionality. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PSOE | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports stronger criminal penalties for repeated theft, alongside court resources and proportionality. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Sumar | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesRejects higher penalties for petty theft and calls for other responses to crime. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| UPN | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesCatalán supports the repeated-theft sentencing reform and criticises its delay. It concerns repeated convictions, rather than arrests. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| VOX | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports imprisonment after repeated convictions and recalls its aggravating-circumstance proposal. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
Crime data
Crime statistics should also show nationality, without identifying individuals.
Being arrested does not mean being guilty. Some nationality data is already published; it does not by itself explain why crimes happen.
| Party | Documented position |
|---|---|
| BNG | Insufficient evidence |
| Coalición Canaria | Insufficient evidence |
| EAJ-PNV | Insufficient evidence |
| EH Bildu | Insufficient evidence |
| ERC | Insufficient evidence |
| Junts | Insufficient evidence |
| Podemos | Insufficient evidence |
| PP | Supports the proposal Territorial context Explanation and sourcesPP’s Valencian presidential candidate’s investiture speech, directly reported by Europa Press (2025; territorial context). In his investiture speech, Pérez Llorca supports publishing crime statistics by nationality to inform proportionate decisions. This is Valencia PP’s 2025 statistical transparency proposal, not a proposal to publicly identify each arrested person or assign collective guilt. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PSOE | Insufficient evidence |
| Sumar | Insufficient evidence |
| UPN | Supports the proposal Territorial context Explanation and sourcesUPN parliamentary group statement on statistical transparency in Navarre (2026; territorial context). López Mañero supports publishing origin and nationality statistics with population context and without stigmatising groups. She proposes quarterly publication in Navarre and cites existing national Interior Ministry data; this does not imply that all arrested people are guilty. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| VOX | Supports the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto (historical reference). Proposes publishing nationality in sexual-assault statistics. This point does not specify arrest-versus-conviction methodology; no causal link with migration is inferred. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
Who chooses the judges on the judicial council
Judges should choose their representatives on the council that oversees the judiciary, instead of parliament.
This is the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ). The question concerns its twelve members drawn from the judiciary.
| Party | Documented position |
|---|---|
| BNG | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesRego opposes removing parliamentary selection of judicial members, defending democratic oversight over selection by the judiciary. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Coalición Canaria | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesJudicial associations’ account of their 18 December 2018 meeting with CC (historical evidence). The participants’ published account records Ana Oramas rejecting direct election of judicial council members by judges through open lists. This is a substantive 2018 position on that model, separate from objections to legislative amendments; it is not inferred from a 2026 vote to open another legislative process. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EAJ-PNV | Insufficient evidence |
| EH Bildu | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesZubiaga opposes shifting election of the twelve judicial members to judicial associations and the judiciary, defending the democratic contribution of parliamentary selection and territorial diversity. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| ERC | Insufficient evidence |
| Junts | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesPagès explicitly rejects judges electing judicial council members. He also opposes party quota-sharing and proposes enforced term limits and objective, transparent appointments. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Podemos | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesSantana opposes judicial self-selection of the council, announces opposition and defends democratic justice. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PP | Supports the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto (historical reference). Proposes direct selection of the twelve judicial council members by judges. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PSOE | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesAranda defends parliamentary selection of council members and opposes transferring it to judicial associations. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Sumar | Opposes the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto (historical reference). Retains parliamentary selection of judicial members, with transparency and council-power reforms. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| UPN | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesCatalán advocates restoring the pre-1985 system in which judges elected the judicial members. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| VOX | Supports the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto, copy published by RTVE (historical reference). Wants judges to appoint or nominate all judicial council members, going further than judicial election of the twelve members asked about. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
Courts for politicians
A politician accused of a crime should go before the ordinary courts, without a different court because of their office.
Some politicians are currently tried directly by higher courts. This special rule is called aforamiento.
| Party | Documented position |
|---|---|
| BNG | Supports the proposal Territorial context Explanation and sourcesGalician Parliament session diary no. 32, 7 June 2017: BNG’s own amendment (p. 64), Olalla Rodil’s speech (p. 68) and vote (p. 88). Territorial and historical evidence. BNG negotiated the unanimously approved resolution to remove Galician MPs’ special court privilege through statutory reform and a national agreement. It preserves free parliamentary speech and votes, a separate safeguard. This is historical regional evidence, not a new commitment covering every Spanish officeholder. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Coalición Canaria | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesGonzález Taño supports retaining special jurisdiction for official duties and extending that model across Spain, rather than abolishing it entirely. Historical reference from 2018. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EAJ-PNV | Supports the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto (historical reference). Proposes abolishing special jurisdiction for public office holders and public servants. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EH Bildu | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesOwn Senate intervention from 2020 (historical reference). Bideguren supports abolishing all special jurisdiction privileges, including those for politicians, judges and police. This is a historical 2020 intervention, not a new election pledge. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| ERC | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesOwn Senate intervention from 2020 (historical reference). Castel calls for abolishing special jurisdiction privileges through constitutional and statutory changes, distinguishing this from parliamentary immunity. Historical 2020 evidence. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Junts | Opposes the proposal First observed: Explanation and sourcesJunts per Catalunya candidacy manifesto for the November 2019 general election (historical evidence). Its national manifesto retains special court status for political duties while excluding private acts and corruption. It opposes the complete abolition asked about without defending protection for corruption. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Podemos | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesEchenique supports removing special political jurisdiction and criticises privileges that bypass ordinary courts, also calling for an end to revolving doors. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PP | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesPP parliamentary intervention calling for a national agreement to abolish special court status (2021; historical reference). Jerez supports ending special court status through a broad national agreement and reforming the laws that provide it, so the rules do not depend on the politician’s region. While acknowledging the institution’s legal rationale, he backs abolition and calls for it to apply to all. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PSOE | Insufficient evidenceExplanation and sourcesAvailable sources do not establish support or opposition to this proposal. This does not mean the party is neutral. |
| Sumar | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesEnrique Santiago statement reported by Servimedia. Enrique Santiago supports ending special jurisdiction for officeholders, distinguishing it from immunity. Servimedia reports his anti-corruption announcement. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| UPN | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports abolishing special jurisdiction for national and regional legislators on equality grounds. Historical evidence from 2016. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| VOX | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesFernández supports abolishing special political jurisdiction to restore equality before the law, without procedural privileges for politicians. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
Who influences politics
Lobbyists should have to join a public register so we can see their activities.
These are groups seeking to influence government or parliamentary decisions.
| Party | Documented position |
|---|---|
| BNG | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesRego’s amendment 28 requires register disclosure of submissions, contacts and meetings by lobbyists obliged to register, including contacts outside draft legislation. His amendments exempt non-profit platforms defending collective rights rather than treating them as commercial lobbyists. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Coalición Canaria | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesAna Oramas’s parliamentary lobbying statement (2021). Oramas supports regulating and making parliamentary lobbying transparent. She seeks an exemption for neighbourhood associations and civic groups, rather than rejecting registration of business lobbyists. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EAJ-PNV | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesLegarda supports transparency, traceability and independent oversight of lobbying. He objects to the decree’s complexity and procedure, rather than the basic public register required by the EU. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EH Bildu | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesMatute supports the mandatory public national register and calls for stronger traceability, intermediary scrutiny and accountability. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| ERC | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesÁlvaro supports bringing existing Catalan lobbying regulation to the national level, while criticising the decree procedure. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Junts | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesPagès accepts registration and transparency duties for professional lobbyists and large companies, seeking an exemption for occasional unpaid activity and opposing the decree for failing to distinguish them. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Podemos | Supports the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2019 government agreement, section 2.11.4 (historical reference). The PSOE–Unidas Podemos government agreement includes a mandatory public register of lobby meetings and agendas. This is a historical commitment from the 2019 agreement, rather than a new 2026 election proposal. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PP | Supports the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto (historical reference). Proposes lobby regulation and a public record of interests and decisions in each law. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PSOE | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesAceves supports the mandatory public national register, meeting transparency and independent supervision. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Sumar | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesMartín Urriza supports a register overseen by the Transparency Council with a public legislative footprint, requiring exclusion of social dialogue. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| UPN | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesUPN parliamentary position in 2017 (historical reference). Salvador supports a Congress interest register and disclosure of meetings with interest groups, explicitly endorsing that transparency alongside support for the reform. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| VOX | Insufficient evidence |
Protecting people who report corruption
People who report corruption should be protected by a national body independent of the government.
| Party | Documented position |
|---|---|
| BNG | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports the whistleblower-protection bill establishing an independent national authority (Law 2/2023, article 42). Evidence of the substantive legislative vote; abstentions are not assigned a stance. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Coalición Canaria | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports the whistleblower-protection bill establishing an independent national authority (Law 2/2023, article 42). Evidence of the substantive legislative vote; abstentions are not assigned a stance. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EAJ-PNV | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesLegarda supports the protection authority with more effective parliamentary oversight. This is a 2023 debate about a specific institution. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| EH Bildu | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports the whistleblower-protection bill establishing an independent national authority (Law 2/2023, article 42). Evidence of the substantive legislative vote; abstentions are not assigned a stance. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| ERC | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports the whistleblower-protection bill establishing an independent national authority (Law 2/2023, article 42). Evidence of the substantive legislative vote; abstentions are not assigned a stance. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Junts | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesPagès opposes the proposed national anti-corruption body because it duplicates structures and centralises oversight of Catalonia’s Anti-Fraud Office. He supports existing specialist bodies and safeguards against partisan use; opposition to a national body does not mean opposing whistleblower protection and is not inferred solely from a procedural vote. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Podemos | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesSupports the whistleblower-protection bill establishing an independent national authority (Law 2/2023, article 42). Evidence of the substantive legislative vote; abstentions are not assigned a stance. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PP | Opposes the proposalExplanation and sourcesPostigo criticises creating a new body and proposes existing institutions. This is not opposition to whistleblower protection. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| PSOE | Supports the proposalExplanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto (historical reference). Supports activating the whistleblower protection authority within a national anti-corruption strategy. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| Sumar | Supports the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto (historical reference). Proposes strengthening the independence, powers and resources of the national whistleblower protection authority. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| UPN | Supports the proposalExplanation and sourcesUPN’s own amendments 373 and 374 to the national whistleblower-protection bill (2017; historical reference). In their own amendments 373 and 374, Salvador and Alli propose an independent authority covering central government and protecting whistleblowers, with regional participation by agreement. This is UPN’s 2017 national proposal rather than an inference from a vote on the entire bill. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |
| VOX | Supports the proposal First observed: Explanation and sources2023 general-election manifesto, copy published by RTVE (historical reference). Proposes an independent national anti-fraud and anti-corruption office alongside comprehensive whistleblower protection. Reviewed: Read evidence and context |